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dc.contributor.authorHerčík, Tomáš
dc.date.accessioned2017-08-25T11:11:26Z
dc.date.available2017-08-25T11:11:26Z
dc.date.issued2016
dc.identifier.citationAkta Fakulty filozofické Západočeské univerzity v Plzni. 2016, č. 3, s. 54-78.cs
dc.identifier.issn1802-0364 (print)
dc.identifier.issn2336-6346 (online)
dc.identifier.urihttp://ff.zcu.cz/research/edicni-cinnost/acta/archiv/2016/
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/11025/26205
dc.format25 s.cs
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isocscs
dc.publisherZápadočeská univerzita v Plznics
dc.relation.ispartofseriesAkta Fakulty filozofické Západočeské univerzity v Plznics
dc.rights© Západočeská univerzita v Plznics
dc.subjectsociální kapitálcs
dc.subjectobčanská společnostcs
dc.subjectsubnárodní demokraciecs
dc.subjectArgentinacs
dc.titleSociální kapitál a demokracie v provinciích Argentinycs
dc.typearticleen
dc.typečlánekcs
dc.rights.accessopenAccessen
dc.type.versionpublishedVersionen
dc.description.abstract-translatedAccording to Robert D. Putnam, social capital contributes to better governmental performance and also better democracy. In short, the more social capital, the better governmental performance and/or higher level of democracy. The aim of this paper is to test this claim and the hypothesis that social capital and specific components of civil society contribute to democracy on a regional level in the provinces of Argentina. Argentine provinces provide a suitable opportunity for such testing. These provinces are very autonomous, they are to a large extent independent from the central government of Argentina, and are also very different on a democratic level. Naturally, the second aim of this paper is to test the possibility that these differences are caused by social capital. There are many ways to define social capital. In this paper, the definition is based primarily on membership in non-profit organisations, the concentration of these organisations, generalised trust, and reciprocity. At least conceptually, this basis is very similar to what Putnam calls social capital. However, it should be clear that the analysis in this paper is not as ambitious as Putnam’s. In part, this is due to the data that is accessible in terms of Argentine provinces. Although there are relatively few data on social capital in these provinces, some do exist and this paper has tried to analyse them. The method used here is multivariate regression analysis. There is one dependent variable (provincial or sub-national democracy) and three independent variables. The main independent variable is social capital and there are also two control variables – GDP per capita and provinces’ income from the Federal Government. There is no statistical significance of both models (with and without outliers). Nevertheless, the analysis provides some interesting outcomes. For example, when we carry out simple Pearson correlation coefficients with all indicators of four mentioned variables, we can see there is strong correlation between some of the indicators of density of non-profit organisations and sub-national democracy or its indicators. This brings us to the conclusion that the aforementioned hypothesis that social capital and specific components of civil society contribute to democracy on the level of Argentine provinces is, at least to some extent, correct. The second claim – that differences between provinces on the level of democracy are caused by social capital – proves (in this analysis) wrong. However, both claims deserve additional and more profound investigation.en
dc.subject.translatedsocial capitalen
dc.subject.translatedcivil societyen
dc.subject.translatedsubnational democracyen
dc.subject.translatedArgentinaen
dc.type.statusPeer-revieweden
Appears in Collections:Číslo 3 (2016)

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